Thursday, August 9, 2012

Azaña and Responsibility of Crowds


Azana LIABILITY OF CROWDS

I - About Azaña

Manuel Azaña was a great Spanish, and his figure and his work, as in many other cases in Spain and Spanish, have been buffeted by some and by others. After our last civil war, serious falsehoods vilified him, presenting him as a resentful man, evil and little able to (1)

Later, Miguel Maura, referring to his dealings with Manuel Azaña over the same period, divided into three stages, conveys his vision to have seen three different Azana. A Azaña, trine, with virtues and defects, from between objective and subjective opinion, interested and disinterested, which can express who acted as a witness - in some cases as a protagonist - a few final facts and traumatic situations (2)

This speech addresses the three subsequent reflection Azana, Manuel Azaña on, intellectuals, among others, like Juan Marichal, Jose Montero and Javier Tusell. But certainly, if it is almost unattainable goal, in many cases, get to the bottom of deep thought and the true motivation in the actions of a man throughout his life, study and explain not one, but "three Azana" - Azana that many - it is very difficult, if not impossible (3)

We went from a simple monster-a Azaña Azaña intricate, the complexity, though, could, without more, to feed one and all, friends and enemies. But just a few decades later, it being also completed the transition to Azaña, left behind the character trill and begins to build, with large doses of creative writing, even fiction, the transcript of an Azana - a great and free - that we steal back the true reality of the man who, above all facets and public activity was Manuel Azaña. He also fell in this sad and barbaric practice Spanish, manipulative, with many of his illustrious and history, creating and recreating heroes and villains, as the wind or, as now foolishly says, in the stream - air - of political correctness.

No doubt - could be the subject of a thesis - the personal and historical value of our men and women of quality, we could measure it, quantify it - today it quantifies all - using the records of our street. Just using the historic streets registry provincial capitals, we get enough material to study - especially in this regional and national anti-Spanish Spain now - the one hundred and versions of our story and characters, which may very likely reduce them to two : the sad two Spain

Manuel Azaña, was a man of his time and a worthy son of the bourgeoisie doceanistas root. His family, very well equipped and economic equity, gave him an elitist private education and a life of ease for a bit lazy gentleman, - even a little debauchery - until the inheritance ran out, and to keep staff and chose to be, something later - following the orthodox path in its class - try to enter the Spanish parliamentary oligarchy, presenting, unsuccessfully, twice MP for the Reform Party, a party which he himself points can "manage honestly aspire to chieftaincy" (4).

Writer discreet - do not forget the warning, attributed to Unamuno, that Azana was a writer without readers able to make a revolution for them - Memorial merciless playwright per occasion and worship great orator, political platform - remarkably unconcerned about economic issues social and Spain - and last elected head of state - president - whose election was well laid - by largocaballeristas, communists and some Republicans - and which led to a retreat Azaña mistook himself thought he deserved honors, and It took a real interest in politics, although they are very serious situation in the country of sectarianism and civil war.

Manuel Azana said that to keep a secret in Spain, you probably write a book and, indeed, reading thousands of pages that we have inherited is clearly and sincerely showing her secret. Who was it, what was and what he thought.

The figure and thought of Azaña, does not require, therefore, unavoidably, as interpreters or poodles that biographers proclaiming "officers" or analysts depth, explaining what was and was not, what did or did not say, for just the net Azana himself reveals.

II - The Memory Azana and his doctoral PhD

With just over twenty years, in Madrid on June 26, 1900 Azaña defended his doctoral Memory, Responsibility of Crowds, earning a rating of outstanding (5).

In the fall of 1898, Azaña becomes a mother encouraged colonial disaster waste. However, for him, Madrid was the beginning of life, and in fact lived all he could offer that "poblachón poorly constructed, which outlines a large capital" (6)

The vocation of Manuel Azana, and writes what he has on numerous occasions, is not the law, nor teaching, for "teaching and professorial attitude was contrary to his temperament, his taste and his ability" (7). But following his PhD, for the sake of completing their university studies or, more likely, because that was the way orthodox, and the election of his uncle and guardian.

Toggles the classrooms of the School of Law, with the "smelly little room at the University" - the Central - attending as a listener to the class of Francisco Giner de los Rios, who he says Azaña, who was "first exercised upon me a salutary influence and deep "(8). And most likely, Giner de los Rios in her living room, talking with his disciples - because talks were his lessons - Azana interested in questions of sociology and psychology, and essences Spencerian Krausists influences.

The Spanish Krausists in general, and particularly those framed in the Free Institution of Education, is intensely interested in sociology, a new science that since the second half of the nineteenth century, it expands in Europe mainly through the work and theories of Herbert Spencer (9)

Francisco Giner de los Rios, as Gumersindo Azcarate, in the late nineteenth century speak of sociology and published on sociology, but in addition to their intellectual activity and philosophical and legal expertise, which makes them not sociologists, even when he and Adolfo Posada and Manuel Sales undoubtedly part of the Spanish history of sociological thought from the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (10)

This may interest Azaña, by sociology, along with the development of social criminology studies in Italy, and the political exploitation of the masses for the socialist parties and anarchist movements of the time, could have influenced his choice of theme doctoral memory. And in this respect, Azana, justifies the choice of the contents of his report, after his hesitation and uncertainty in letting go, "of my hobbies, decided by the head of this speech problem." Hobbies should not be exactly legal (11)

On the other hand, and before proceeding, it should mean that the work of Manuel Azana, we contextualize it in the time it was written between the years 1899 - 1900, as also that the end was that was written exclusively for academic performance.

In this paper, as a brief note, we are interested primarily sociological and psychological content of the Memory of Azaña, unrequited assess the legal aspects of it.

III-The responsibility of the crowds

Memory - built in his complete works cited - is an extension of 26 pages and is dated April 3, 1900 (12). Leads the text, the quote:

Misereor super turbam

Marc VIII

"I feel compassion for these people," the currency of Jesus reported in the Gospel of Mark (8.2), and can be summed up in this case the response and compassionate vision, in general, members of the bourgeoisie, entrenched in the oligarchy Spanish at the time - the late nineteenth century - showed with fear of the increasingly common and collective claims to achieve economic and social improvements to alleviate the state, in many cases of misery and despair, of the working classes.

This Report primarily interested doctoral criminal science, while the contributions deal with the issue of crowds can contribute and bring sociology, psychology and social collective, and theories of criminology at the time they develop authors, mainly Italian.

It is a principal academic work and methodologically descriptive warning is not intended Azaña find "new solutions or to raise the issue in different ways than usual here, I've only tried to present some ideas on important issue, accompanied by the criterion of positive school is the one that has far greater importance to these studies "(13).

Before entering repeat the question again - possibly to the court do not forget - the warning made just a few lines earlier: "Shortly enthusiast dangerous innovations, [...] I always party doctrines and stale [positivist organicist] and once more I shall follow them in the simple presentation of ideas that follows "(14

For the study and conceptualization of crowd attends Azaña collective psychology, emerging science and barely formed, which "aims to study the crowds." And in this regard notes that historically, philosophers have addressed only "groups of people forming communities with a purpose to fulfill, and that will serve both the means to fulfill other purposes." And which is the science "of sociology has been called" the first work - very modern - on this matter. A new science on which Azana states that "[...] or even about the meaning of your name and the extension of the object have come to agree writers." But these social studies in which philosophers are busy - social philosophers, called both Azcarate as Giner - dealing with "fill the vacuum felt in this branch of human knowledge [...], and advancing along this path , determine the fields of science, "have given rise to" collective psychology, science with unique and defined an object whose early start measuring where reach of sociology "(15).

Azana notes that the aggregate of men who studied collective psychology are heterogeneous and inorganic, and the crowds these characters are clearly present, as the various elements constituting such as "[...] people across gender, age and condition , lacking an organization that leads them to an end, the almost always randomly and dissolve and disappear the same way. " (16).

Presented the general framework of the crowds, our doctor preferably extends its interest in the crowd offender to determine responsibility examining "the extent to which individuals will retain their forming the crowd and consequently whether or not to commit crimes imputed "(17).

Manuel Azaña, then said, in passing, the role played by historical events, political, social and economic, mainly after the "collapse of a secular world," and "Such and so great was the revolution in the intelligences, which of these changes and organizations that bring new ideas and feelings, "was born the immense power of crowds", a power which, as stated below, "there is no need to strive to demonstrate, how few difficulties once exalted spirits, arrive at the crime committed by the most horrible atrocities and bloody crimes are remembered by men "(18)

Azana appointment does not mention Le Bon, - which some consider the father of the collective psyche - or his work The Mass Psychology, published in French in 1895 - is the first Spanish edition in 1903 - but certainly in terms, mainly to the origins of the crowds or suggestion, or is the influence of French, or Sighele - who does cite Azana - not in vain accused of plagiarism in Le Bon in 1898 (19

We already anticipated the rancid memory of some doctrines in which adjusts its study, and in this way shows that the positivists, "in his treatises on sociology follow the famous principle of Spencer, all characters are determined by the character its component units, "and that Azana's view, applying this leley to aggregates of men, standing for" homogeneous and organic communities, subject to laws similar to those governing the isolated man. " And in this, see our doctor "a serious flaw in the positivists incurred to resemble a worldwide organic to the inorganic," and this principle of positivist sociology, "when men aggregate failure is often aroused vehement suspicions about its accuracy "(20).

Elaborating on his criticism of the positivists, and focused on penology and criminology, disagrees with the explanations on the crowds, free will, responsibility, irresponsibility and crime criminologist Enrico Ferri maintain and philosopher Aristide Gabelli and teacher (21).

To Azaña, therefore, the crowd is indeed the "heterogeneous and inorganic par excellence", and reinforces his conclusion stating the opinion of Tarde, who says that the crowd "is an aggregate of heterogeneous elements, unknown to each other and, however, rather a spark of passion that the occurrence of any of them, electrifies this bunch of people, there is suddenly some kind of organization, something like a spontaneous generation "(22).

The crowd, carries within itself "bandits and honest men of the worst troublemakers," but to Azana nor imitative tendency and in particular the suggestion - even hypnotism, and the acute manifestation of receptivity, as Sergi - " themselves enough to push the man to the crime. " Not all crowds are always inclined to evil, and the difference between some of raging crime, and others that demonstrate common sense, is determined by the anthropological factor. By analyzing the components of a crowd that individuals observed, leading to her ideas and feelings, provide somewhat special character to the result of agglomeration, and adds Azaña, in a row, which in this case "is not absolutely false and irrelevant Spencer's law "(23)

Azana points, which in the July 1834 riots, "in which Madrid witnessed the looting and burning of convents of friars, who did the most heinous acts of barbarism, by exacerbating their fury and cruelty were the ragged children crime and poverty, alcohol and vice, men who were in the killing more [virtuous] of pleasure. " And this kind dehombres, continuous Azaña are interspersed with crowd, "composed in most cases by men who are in an intermediate position between the first placed limits of vice and honesty until then tested very hard [ ...] "(24)

But we have already indicated that for all the crowds Azana always inclined to evil, and still violating the laws do not commit the crimes mentioned above. Speak of those that generally consist of individual workers, and that when "raise their voice to claim something that is almost always due them justice (25).

Azana, develops at the end of his report legal and criminal action on the responsibility and irresponsibility, temibility and personal identity, and crowds. And issues on which we anticipate, as a precaution and preparation, we let the opinion of lawyers (26)

However, if it should be noted that the legal conclusion and end of Azana on the responsibility of the crowds, based on the "general rule that the crowd is always liable, without losing those that form any part of their freedom, is a dictate of justice that emerges from careful analysis of the psychology of the crowd. " But the power that will act with strict justice using all legal means, mark boundaries, avoiding punishment "a hundred times more terrible than the crime itself," and claims Azaña a "sense of wisdom and prudence" and not lead to Ultimately the severity of punishment (27).

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M. and Arrarás, J. Azaña intimate memoirs. Spanish editions. Madrid, 1939. Editing manipulated, and notassectarias are Arrarás Joaquin. These "memories" of Azaña, are drawn from private papers stolen in the war years.

(2) Maura Gamazo, M. Thus fell Alfonso XIII. From one dictatorship to another. Printing Mañez. Zaragoza, 1962

(3) Marichal, J. The vocation of Manuel Azaña. Alliance editorial. Madrid, 1982, Montero, J. The drama in the truth of Manuel Azaña. Edit. University of Seville. Sevilla, 1979; Tusell, J. "The three Azaña," Historia 16 n. 57, p. 115. Madrid, 1981.

(4) Azaña, M. Complete Works. (4 Volumes). Giner editions. Madrid, 1990. p. 866. To

(5) Marichal, J. "General Preface" in The Complete Works of Manuel Azaña. Ob. cit. p. XXXIII. Volume I

(6)? Dem. p. 805. Volume I

(7) Marichal, J. "General Preface" in The Complete Works of Manuel Azaña. Ob. cit. p. XXXII. Volume I

(8) Azaña, M. (Complete Works). Ob. cit. pp. 815-816. Volume III

(9) Diaz, E. The Social Philosophy of Krausism Spanish. Editorial Debate. Madrid, 1989. On the trajectory and general formulation of Krausismo in Spain, it is essential, see: Lopez Morillas, J. Krausismo Spanish. Fondo de Cultura Económica. Madrid, 1980.

(10) Saavedra, L. Spanish sociological thought. Taurus. Madrid, 1991

(11) Azaña, M. (Works). Ob. cit. p. 615. Volume III

(12)? Dem. pp. 613-646. Volume III

(13)? Dem. p. 615. Volume III

(14)? Dem. p. 616. Volume III

(15) Ibid. P. 616. Volume III. We will not go into the old debate of collective psychology and / or social psychology. Just to point out that Manuel Azana, collective psychology is a science child's progress sociological studies.

(16) Ibid. p. 616. Volume III

(17) Ibid. p. 617. Volume III

(18)? Dem. p. 617. Volume III

(19) Le Bon, G. The psychology of the masses. Ediciones Morata. Madrid, 2005. Sighele Scipio, Italian criminologist, author of The delinquent fucks (1891). The first Spanish edition of this work is published with the title, The crowd offender. Collective psychology test. Edit. The modern Spain. Madrid, 1892. This edition is in charge of Pedro Dorado Montero, criminal and criminologist, linked to the Free Institution of Education. Regarding the authorship of Le Bon of some principles in his Psychology of the Masses, are enough authors point out his "inspiration" in Sighele, and others. Freud, so states, see: Freud, S. Group Psychology: Beyond the Pleasure Principle, and the Future of an Illusion. Alliance Publishing, 1984. pp. 20-21

(20) Azaña, M. (Complete Works). Ob. cit. pp. 618-619. Volume III

(21)? Dem. pp. 619-623. Volume III. Enrico Ferri, the Italian criminologist and sociologist, author of Criminal Sociology (1884)

(22) Ibid. P. 624. Volume III. It should be noted that the doctoral Memory Azaña, at least in the text inserted in his complete works, and we use, there is no notes or references. Most of the literature of Gabriel Tarde, published late nineteenth century, no Spanish edition until the next century. However, even when we know the French language skills by Azaña, at the time of his doctorate, yes there is Spanish edition of the following works: Tarde, G. Criminal and Social Studies.. Edit. Modern Spain. Madrid, 1890, "Comparative Crime." Perched Adolph (ed.). Modern Spain. Madrid, 1893.

(23)? Dem. pp. 625-630. Volume III. Giuseppe Sergi, Italian anthropologist.

(24)? Dem. pp. 630-631. Volume III

(25) Ibid. pp. 631-634. Volume III

(26) Ibid. pp. 635-639. Volume III

(27) Ibid. pp. 640-641. Volume III.



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